|
Travis continues by establishing other clear lines of distinction:
between "professional" architects and those involved in academic careers
(which can be extended to include any creative or theoretical architectural
work not professionally affiliated), and between true architects
and those involved in related design fields. Although in each of
these sets (professional architects/other architects; architecture/other
design fields) the representation of the second term borders on a kind
of tokenism, the privileging of the first term becomes more obvious, given
Travis's commentary, than one might hope. He remarks that "three
individuals, [two] interior designers. . .and [one] city planner are not
architects. Their work, however, is of a caliber that deserves
to be showcased on these pages" (p. 7). The assumption in this statement
is not new. It constructs architecture as the "master" central term
while subordinating and marginalizing all related practices (interior design,
city planning, landscape design, etc.). The ever-so-subtle inference
in Travis's statement is that in spite of the inferiority of their design
fields relative to architecture, the work of these individuals has
exceeded the limits of those fields, granting it a privileged inclusion
in the "master" domain of architecture.9
This logic, which attributes a "natural" superiority to architecture
over related practices, is the same logic that inscribes a natural inferiority
to designated races, demanding no accountability of the privileged term.
It mirrors the same logic that barred blacks from the profession of architecture
in the first place, finally admitting only those whose ability exceeded
their "natural" limits (a logic that skillfully manufactures these limits
while fabricating the supposed superiority of the privileged term), allowing
them access into the privileged domain, while ensuring that their "innate
inferiority" remains "marked" within this field. Although the issues Travis categorizes the firms as types based on a code defined
according to biological gender (male/female) and the nature of filial heterosexual
relations. Thus we are presented with "eight women and twenty-seven
men. . .belonging to the following types of firms: eight single males,
one single female, three male/male (unrelated) teams, two black male/white
male teams, two principals in predominantly white-owned firms, two husband/wife
teams, two father/daughter teams, one father/son/grandson team, one (twin)
brother/sister team" (p. 7). This approach is revolutionary in the
way in which the importance of familial structures in the African-American
heritage is shown to substantially affect the organization of relations
in African-American firms. Family thus becomes a privileged experience
with roots in African-American culture. By being rendered visible,
it is strategically employed to transform the ways we normally perceive
the neutral professional relations of individuals in architectural firms,
dissolving the distinction between professional work and intimate relations
by constructing a category modulated between the two. Yet while this
structure opens territories in one domain (the profession), it closes them
in others (gender and sexuality) by masking those other relations that
do not adequately fit within this code, rendering nonheterosexual and nonfilial
relations of lesser significance. While filial relations and the
concept of personal relations in general challenge the assumed nonrelation
of white males within the normative system (the filial relation implying
the reinsertion of women into the structure of relations and therefore
the reinsertion of intimacy), it does not question why certain filial relations
are more apparent than others (that is, why there would necessarily be
an The opposition male/female is also presented to us by Travis as a specifically neutral descriptive code, which, although ostensibly attempting to evidence a certain equality of gender representation, conceals differences both between and within each of these two terms to construct an artificial unity within the black community. Women's experience of marginalization is thus disguised by, and deferred to, the African-American experience to create a perceived homogeneity of heterogeneous elements, masking hidden differences; this repression is exposed and the boundaries of its restraint exceeded in the book only by the comments of those two women who speak for themselves within the text. Roberta Washington is the only women presented who represents her own architectural firm. Having originally attended architecture school at Howard University, a predominantly black institution, before graduating from Columbia University, Roberta discusses her experiences there. She comments on the difficulties for women within a school that encouraged and supported black men while discouraging black women—an attitude promoting not segregation but an attempt to dissuade and prevent women from practicing architecture altogether. She reveals that the struggles of the black community are highly differentiated within that community—that one is marginalized not only from without, but also from within what one considers to be her own minority group. In her essay entitled "Finding Our Voice in a Dominant Key," Sharon
Sutton is particularly enlightening, calling upon the wisdom exacted from
the combined reality of her race, gender, and class. She makes reference
to black feminists who have influenced her, such as Patricia Hill Collins,
asserting that "as members of a subordinate group, black women cannot afford
to be fools of any type, for their devalued status denies them the protections
that white skin, maleness, and wealth confer" (p. 12).10
She notes that while only 8 percent of architects registered in the United
States have been African-Americans, out of 42,000 members of the AIA (American
Institute of Architects) there were just seven black women in 1984, representing
a mere 1.5 percent. Sutton characterizes architecture as "a field
which prides itself on snobbishness and exclusivity," constructed within
dominating oppressive structures founded in Beyond exposing some of the problems caused by eliding and homogenizing differences within a particular marginalized group, Sutton reveals how this effort of assimilation depends on such elisions, supporting to some extent Cornel West's view that this condition is intimately tied to those who have investments of privilege (which ultimately enable and empower them) within the dominant system. West has noted how critiques of the assimilationist position have emerged primarily from the black women's movement, which "terminated the Black male monopoly on the construction of the Black subject," and "has had a greater impact than the critiques that highlight exclusively class, empire, age, sexual orientation or nature."12 Sutton acknowledges that "even though as an academic, [she] is [herself] immersed in the dominant voice's view of power, authority, success, fairness, justice, human ability, and so forth, [she] feels an urgency to establish an alternative world view; to question dominant values although they are, if not perfectly, sustaining [her]." Her "radicalized" perspective, as she sees it, "embraces the two seemingly contradictory missions" of seeking inclusion and a strong presence within the dominant institutions and providing a space for other voices, while simultaneously attempting to subvert those institutions from the inside by rejecting the segmentation that they depend upon, rejecting "the dominant voice's 'power over' mentality because it is inappropriate to the 'power with' mentality that is required to bring about social change" (p. 14). The tone of Travis's book, however, presents only the first half of
Sutton's double imperative, the clues of which can already be sensed simply
by reading the foreword and flipping through the presented visual material.
Despite being less informative than most of the essays presented, Travis's
initial statements are important because Sutton's essay is one of a series comprising the second section of the
book. These short essays are meant to provide, in true monograph
style, a sampling of viewpoints on the relations between the African-American
experience and architecture, intended to furnish a philosophical, historical,
or theoretical grounding for the work to follow. For the most part
these essays trace the different histories of the black contribution to
architecture while depicting the nature of the struggles of specific African-American
pioneers. My intention is not to focus on the details of these stories,
but rather to reveal the world that together they construct, to critically
assess their shared assumptions, while submitting to scrutiny particular
works that stand out from this general theme. Vincent Scully's essay
is such a work, yet unlike Sutton's, it is found to be far more oppressive
than liberating. Counter to Sutton's warnings against the seductions
of success within conventional frameworks and her appeals for a resistant
and critical praxis, Scully's writing praises those black architects who
have successfully mastered the Western architectural tradition yet seems
to disregard how their own experience might embody the critique of this
history (p. 11).13
Scully's references to "truth" and "propriety" already hide the Eurocentric
origins of the truths he is expounding, while his attempts to align the
revival of the classical traditions (as architecture's liberation from
the modern movement) with black liberation not only ignores particular
relations between modernism, opacity, and primitivism, but infers that
one can (by a skillful verbal slippage that quickly moves from "vernacular"
to "classical") equate the progressive emancipation of blacks that took
place within the modern era with the imperialist, despotic, and oppressive
traditions of a Eurocentric classicism that became the symbol of colonialism
in many parts of the world—a tradition within which slavery was both inscribed
and justified. Although a seemingly synchronous moment occurred between
the architectural liberation and other social liberations during the late
1960s, the reified conditions of classical nostalgia that emerged in the The truth's of Scully's WASP traditions, and the success of African-American architects within those traditions (documented by other essays such as Michael Adams's "The Incomparable Success of Paul R. Williams") conceal within them other histories and other truths. Most of the remaining essays in this series indicate the conditions of these other truths, revealing the difficulty of reconciling a minority culture's values with the dominant institution's views of architectural success. And yet, despite the flickering intimation in various writings that these two conditions might be irreconcilable—that their values are antithetical, the dominant story retold throughout the text entirely represses the possibility of such an incommensurable "difference" between systems of belief. Instead, the difference between values is discounted (subsumed by "majority" practice), and the story recounted throughout the work is that of the struggle overcome; the third section of the book clearly constructing the finale to one phase of this repeating code, while illustrating the achievements of black architects who have endured this struggle and attained so-called "success." This formula proclaims a reverberating message of hope to inspire black youth, which promises, by its repetitive pattern, to continue past the life of this text. Its eternal proclamation is that obstacles to black achievement can be defeated if one simply develops the right skills and attitudes, and perseveres. It becomes important at this point in the analysis to unravel how this
story of struggle and potential success is told. What is the nature
of the success represented? How is it validated, and what representational
codes, forms, and structures are responsible for its fabrication?
My intention in concentrating on the more "opaque" aspects of the text,
that is, the deeper codes that underly its representations and the latent
meaning given by its formal and material expression, is to reverse the
terms of the typical "review"14:
first, to illustrate that such material is neither devoid of content nor
ever neutral; to reveal how immediately its information is received, to
show how surreptitiously it transfers its content, and to expose the origins
of the assump |